Matt Forney
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The Hungarian Election and the End of the Globalist Paradigm

NOTE: This is the first of several articles I am writing to promote my fundraiser to cover the Hungarian election starting next month. To find out more about the fundraiser and how you can help, click here.

In a little less than two months, Hungary will be holding its next parliamentary election, determining who will lead the country for the next four years. Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party are looking to win a third consecutive term in office (and fourth term overall), continuing his “illiberal” and nationalist revolt against the European Union and globalism. Fidesz is in such a strong position—the most recent poll gives it a 29-point lead over its closest competitor—that many commentators are saying that the real question is not whether they’ll win period, but whether they’ll gain the requisite two-thirds of seats needed to amend the constitution.

One thing is certain: the cultural Marxist paradigm is dead in Hungary, and it’s not coming back anytime soon.

Neocons and leftists have been sounding the alarm about Orbán for the past few years, accusing him of being “racist” and “authoritarian” because he doesn’t want his country to be flooded with Muslim rapists and terrorists. Political scientists have had to bend the definition of “authoritarianism” so much in order to smear Hungary that the term has lost all meaning. In Orbán’s Hungary, there are no secret police, no arrests of political dissidents, and no prosecutions of private citizens for “hate speech.” Opposition parties are allowed to operate freely, without harassment from the government. In fact, Hungary is probably the closest any European country comes to American-style free speech protections.

The international fake news media and the Hungarian left have to contort themselves into human pretzels talking about the “tyranny” of Fidesz’s government because they can’t deal with the fact that Hungarians like it. The one-two combo of massive corruption on the part of MSZP (the Hungarian Socialist Party, who got run out of power by Orbán in 2010) and the multicultural anarchy that Western European states are devolving into ensure that Fidesz will remain in power for a long, long time.

The same is happening in the rest of Eastern Europe. Poland and the Czech Republic now have governments that are following Orbán’s lead in disempowering the left, resisting non-white immigration, and defending the nation’s interests. Even Austria now has a right-wing nationalist government. The Poles, the Hungarians, and the other nations of Central Europe have seen the lunacy that Marxism brings—rape, terrorism, and demographic displacement—and have said no.

The fact that the American deep state and the E.U. can no longer enforce their will over Hungary and other Eastern European states shows how weak globalism has become. A decade ago, a leader like Orbán or Poland’s Jarosław Kaczyński would have been assassinated for daring to defy the globohomo consensus; indeed, Kaczyński’s brother Lech, the former Polish president, was killed in a suspicious plane crash in 2010. The fact that George Soros and their ilk can’t even control the political dialogue anymore in countries like Hungary shows that they have become paper tigers.

Make no mistake: a third consecutive victory for Viktor Orbán will be another major blow to globalism and the E.U. This is why I fully expect Soros and his quislings in Hungary to pull out all the stops to try and dampen Fidesz’s victory or get the E.U. to clamp down on the country. They won’t win, but they will try.

I believe that the Visegrád Group (the alliance between Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia) represents a new, emerging power bloc. For the past century, Germany and Russia have been continental Europe’s primary power blocs: the E.U. is essentially run by Angela Merkel. Other European countries have had to play ball with one or the other in order to thrive, as seen during the Cold War, the interwar period and World War II, and the height of European imperialism in the 19th century. However, with the West faltering due to degeneracy and immigration and Russia still struggling to recover from the collapse of the Soviet Union, Poland and Hungary could very well be the nucleus of a new order.

Ultimately, regardless of what happens, the end of the leftist consensus is upon us. In the coming days and weeks, I will be writing a series of articles on the issues facing Hungary, the different parties and personalities that are jostling for power, and other issues related to Eastern Europe that don’t get much attention in the English-language media. Stay tuned: it’s going to be an interesting ride.

Read Next: Green Politics and the Fragmentation of the Hungarian Left